The 2022 Pretoria Agreement that ended Ethiopia's civil war was always a ceasefire dressed as a peace deal. Key provisions — contested territory returns, displaced population resettlement, full TPLF demobilization — remained unimplemented for years. The agreement's collapse into renewed large-scale fighting, beginning with clashes in August 2026 and escalating sharply on September 23, was structurally inevitable. The immediate trigger: Tigrayan forces seized airports in Mekelle, Aksum, and Shire, while the TPLF and six other armed groups announced an alliance to overthrow Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's government. The most consequential defection is the Amhara Fano National Movement, which fought alongside federal forces during the 2020-2022 war and has now switched sides. This realignment fundamentally changes the military calculus, opening multiple fronts the Ethiopian National Defense Force must now defend simultaneously. Civilians are paying the immediate price. Eyewitnesses report artillery strikes on residential areas in Selenwuha and Alamata, with residents accusing federal forces of deliberate targeting — including timing strikes to coincide with a Saturday market that killed 11 and wounded 15. Medical facilities are inaccessible, transport routes severed, and communication services largely cut. These claims could not be independently verified, and the ENDF did not respond to DW's requests for comment. The information blackout itself is a weapon. With internet and communications disrupted across Tigray, neither the scale of civilian casualties nor the actual military situation can be reliably assessed. Both sides claim defensive postures while making offensive advances. The ENDF reportedly pushes toward Mekelle from the south, while Tigrayan forces have advanced into the Afar region near Erebti — a move analysts interpret as a direct threat to Ethiopia's main trade corridor for imports and exports. The ICRC has managed to evacuate only approximately 160 individuals from Tigray, a number that underscores the near-total humanitarian access failure. Ethiopian lawyer Amdegebreal Admassu reports fighters impacting hospitals, schools, and religious institutions serving as civilian shelters — actions he classifies as war crimes under both international law and Ethiopia's own penal code. Goods prices are spiking across Tigray as supply routes collapse, affecting communities far from the frontlines. The political architecture that produced this war remains intact and worsening. The TPLF's hardline faction under Debretsion Gebremichael has consolidated control in Tigray. The party lost its legal status, barring it from June 2026 national elections — removing whatever remained of a political pathway. The reinstated pre-war regional council was read by Addis Ababa as a direct violation of Pretoria. Every off-ramp was blocked or demolished before the shooting started. Prime Minister Abiy has accused neighboring countries of supporting rebel forces, signaling the conflict's potential to metastasize across the Horn of Africa. Between 162,000 and 600,000 people died in the 2020-2022 war — the range itself a testament to the information vacuum. The structural conditions that produced those casualties have not changed. They have worsened.