Serbia votes Sunday in a parliamentary election that breaks a 14-year pattern of non-competitive politics. The Student List — candidates drawn from a protest movement triggered by the November 2024 collapse of a concrete canopy at Novi Sad railway station, which killed 16 people — is polling above 40%. For the first time since the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) took power in 2012, the outcome is genuinely uncertain. The students' campaign is structurally unusual. Rather than organizing along the ideological, social, or foreign-policy lines that have traditionally fractured Serbian opposition, the Student List has anchored itself to a single, concrete demand: accountability for institutional failure. The Novi Sad disaster became a symbol of systemic corruption, and the movement has leveraged that symbol into a broad coalition that sidesteps the divisions the SNS has historically exploited to stay in power. The ruling party's response has followed its established playbook. President Aleksandar Vucic framed the election as a sovereignty contest, accusing opponents of acting on "foreign orders" and warning that a change of government would mean chaos. The SNS held its own massive rally in Belgrade, promising stability and continuity. But the playbook is operating under strain: the party is defending not just its record but its legitimacy, in the face of investigative reports alleging links between SNS-connected figures and criminal networks. The playing field is not level. CRTA, an independent election monitor, recorded 116 incidents of physical violence or verbal threats during the campaign. Nearly three-quarters of political airtime on national television featured government representatives; over 80% of Student List coverage was negative. Sources told DW that voters were offered between €30 and €150 to vote SNS, with holiday packages reportedly extended to entire families. A former SNS member described how public-sector employees were pressured to deliver votes. CRTA concluded the campaign was neither free nor fair from day one. The post-election period may be more volatile than the vote itself. Authorities have warned — without strong evidence — that students are planning violence with the help of foreign intelligence services. Several people were arrested in the campaign's final days on suspicion of plotting election-night disturbances. Political scientist Dusan Spasojevic told DW that polls suggest a narrow margin, making a post-election crisis probable. A narrow SNS victory would almost certainly be contested given the documented irregularities. The European Union's posture could be decisive. Serbia has been an EU candidate since 2012, and key recommendations on electoral reform remain unimplemented. Spasojevic argues that international response is "the only thing that can persuade the authorities to accept defeat and refrain from an overly heavy-handed response." An EU Commission spokesperson acknowledged the reform gaps and stressed that democracy and rule of law are central to the accession process — diplomatic language that stops well short of a red line. The students ended their campaign with a kolo, a traditional circle dance, projecting confidence. But confidence and vote counts are different things when the counting infrastructure itself is contested. The movement has vowed to defend every vote, setting the stage for a potentially tense night where the real contest may not be the election itself but what happens after it.